The Peace Operation in Cyprus, launched on July 20, 1974, to thwart Greek Cypriots' transition to Greek control and to safeguard the constitutional status of the Republic of Cyprus — established under the London Agreement — is about to mark its 50th year. This initiative was also intended to ensure the safety of our kinfolk’s lives and properties. Given this, it's fitting that we reflect upon the historical events and present situation concerning the island.
The Greek Cypriot-Greek factions and those influenced by their propaganda allege that the Cyprus issue began with Turkey's so-called “occupation” of the island in 1974. However, as we will discuss further, this is a blatant contradiction to the historical truth.
The heart of the problem lies in Greece and the Greek Cypriots' aspiration to annex the island (ENOSIS), coupled with their view of the Turkish Cypriots as a minority. This perspective starkly contradicts Turkey's national interests.
The preservation of Turkey's national interests regarding Cyprus necessitates preventing the island from partially or fully transitioning under Greek Cypriot- Greek control. If the island were to fall under Greek Cypriot-Greek control, the encircling siege beginning in the Aegean against Turkey would be complete. In a situation of war, Turkey would lose the ability to resupply from its southern ports and would also be cut off from the rich hydrocarbon resources in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Aircraft and long-range missiles situated on an island under Greek Cypriot-Greek control would pose a direct threat to our nation. Cyprus is essentially an advanced outpost of the Anatolian peninsula.
Moreover, Turkey has a moral obligation to protect the security and interests of the Turkish Cypriot people.
The Cyprus issue's origins trace back to 1925 when the island fell under British colonial rule. Greek Cypriots, viewing themselves as the island's sole proprietors, launched terrorist actions with the EOKA terrorist organization they established in 1955, intending to first oust the British and subsequently the Turks from the island.
Despite the conflicting interests of Turkey, Greece, and Britain on the island, a mutual agreement was reached through the 1959 Zurich Agreement. This led to the establishment of the independent Republic of Cyprus, where Turkish Cypriots are not a minority but equal founding partners with active participation in governance. This was established under the London Agreement in the same year, with both Turkish and Greek Cypriot peoples' participation. To prevent the disruption of the Republic of Cyprus's constitutional status, a “guarantor agreement” was signed among Turkey, Greece, and Britain in the same year.
However, the Greek Cypriot side, refusing to relinquish their ENOSIS dreams, devised a strategy known as the “Akritas Plan”. This scheme aimed to alter the constitution, effectively reducing Turks to minority status. The force behind the Akritas Plan was the irregular power known as EOKA, who sought to intimidate and dismantle the Turkish Cypriots through terror, incite island-wide conflicts, and declare ENOSIS. In retaliation to EOKA's assaults, the Turkish Resistance Organization (TMT) was formed in 1957 to defend the Turks.
The Republic of Cyprus, established under the London Agreement, experienced a fleeting existence. In 1963, President Makarios of the Republic of Cyprus ignited extensive and violent terrorist acts aimed at suppressing and annihilating the Turkish Cypriots. This campaign began when the constitutional amendment proposal, which sought to strip Turkish Cypriots of their constitutional right to participate in governance, was rejected by the Turkish community. Turkey's attempt at military intervention, invoking its right of guarantee, was hindered due to technical difficulties and also obstructed by a prominent letter from U.S. President Johnson.
With the Turkish jets ominously hovering over Nicosia, the Greek Cypriots decided to retreat. In 1964, the Greeks' assaults on the Erenköy Turks were once again thwarted by Turkish jets. During this operation, Captain Cengiz Topel tragically lost his life. In 1967, the intensifying terrorist acts against the Turks by the EOKA organization and Greek soldiers, incited by the junta of colonels in Greece, were again halted by Turkey's resolute stance, effective crisis management, and U.S. intervention. Consequently, the Greek side ceased its actions and the Greek soldiers withdrew from the island. After learning from the crises of 1963 and 1967, Turkey started to develop a force for a joint operation, which included a landing operation to Cyprus. Under the leadership of Dr. Fazıl Küçük and Rauf Denktaş, the Turkish Cypriot People established the “Temporary Turkish Administration”, seizing sovereignty.
Following the 1967 crisis, the UN Secretary-General initiated inter-communal negotiations in 1968 to seek a diplomatic resolution to the issue. However, due to the intransigent attitude of the Greek Cypriot side, these expanded inter-communal negotiations, involving representatives of Turkey, Greece, the UN, and Cypriot Turkish and Greek peoples, proved fruitless and led us into 1974.
Whilst these inter-communal negotiations were ongoing, the Greek Cypriot National Guard and EOKA continued their intimidation and persecution of the Turks, as directed by the Akritas plan. During this tumultuous period, 30,000 Cypriot Turks were compelled to evacuate 103 villages.
The 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation was triggered by the final straw: the coup on July 15, 1974, led by Greek officers, with Nicos Samson overthrowing President Makarios and declaring himself the President of the Cyprus Hellenic Republic.
The purpose of the coup was to realize Enosis. This was not only a blatant violation of the 1959 Zurich and London agreements but also an untenable situation for Turkey. Prime Minister Ecevit initially proposed a joint intervention to the UK in line with the London guarantor agreement, but his suggestion was rejected. Ecevit returned from London on the evening of July 19. On the morning of July 20, the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) initiated the first peace operation, involving landing, airborne and air-mobile operations. Within two days, they established a beachhead in the Kyrenia region, took control of the Kyrenia-Nicosia road, and abided by the UN Security Council's call for a ceasefire on July 22.
Following the operation, the foreign ministers of Turkey, Greece, and the UK convened in Geneva on July 30 and agreed upon the “Geneva Protocol”, which acknowledged Turkey's justifications. A second meeting took place on August 8 in Geneva to determine the constitutional status of Cyprus, but it ended conclusively.
In the first peace operation, our forces managed to secure strategic targets and established a beachhead enabling larger units to land. Yet, the majority of our troops were concentrated around the beachhead in Kyrenia, and to achieve the political objective, it was imperative to control a larger area. When the second Geneva conference failed to reach a resolution, a second peace operation was initiated on August 14. Within two days, control was extended over 38% of the island, defining the current borders. The operation ceased on August 16. The toll of both operations amounted to 498 martyrs and 1,200 injured.
The successful execution of extensive joint operations, necessitating detailed planning and coordination by the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) in both operations, was predicated on the preparation for such an operation. This preparation involved force structure, modernization, organization, and training, informed by the events of 1963 and 1967.
The operation's outcomes were as follows: • Enosis was thwarted. • A population exchange agreement signed in 1975 facilitated the movement of 65,000 Turks from the south to the north, freeing them from Greek Cypriot oppression and ensuring their safety under the TSK. Similarly, 120,000 Greeks residing in the Turkish-dominated north relocated to the south, resulting in a bi-zonal formation and ushering in peace on the island. • To address the labor shortage in the Turkish region, 40,000 people were relocated from Turkey, reinforcing the bi-zonal formation. • Turkey demonstrated its capability to act independently when demanded by national interests.
Post-1974 developments: Following the peace operation, the Turkish Cypriot people rejected Greek sovereignty, took their sovereignty rights into their own hands, and established the Turkish Cypriot Federated State (TCFS) on February 13, 1977, followed by the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) on November 15, 1983. Bilateral discussions between the two community leaders and indirect talks mediated by the UN Secretary-General took place but yielded no results. The Greek side continued to perceive Turks as a minority, refused to acknowledge the bi-zonal formation, and considered itself as the sovereign entity of the entire island. Agreements reached at the Denktas- Makarios summit in 1977 and the Denktas- Kipryanu summit in 1979 were not respected by the Greek side.
The solution proposals put forward by UN Secretary-General Ccuellar in 1986 and UN Secretary-General Boutros Ghali in 1992 were both accepted by the Turkish side but rejected by the Greek side. The Greek side sought to exert pressure on Turkey and the TRNC by escalating the issue to international platforms. The unyielding attitude of the Greek side rendered all attempts to find a permanent and fair solution to the problem during this period futile. The plan proposed by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 2002 was once again accepted by the Turkish side but rejected by the Greek side.
The most significant advantage the Greek side gained against Turkey was the admission of the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA) to the EU in 2004, in violation of the agreements and under the false pretense of representing the whole island. Being backed by the EU, the Greek side has adopted an even more uncompromising stance since then. It signed agreements to share Mediterranean hydrocarbon resources with other coastal countries, asserting its representation of the entire island, and commenced exploration and drilling activities in the regions it claimed as its own maritime jurisdiction area, disregarding the rights of the Turkish Cypriot people.
Conclusion and assessment:
As discussed earlier, the Cyprus issue did not originate in 1974; its roots trace back to the 1950s. The reason a fair and lasting political resolution has not been achieved since 1974 lies in the Greek Cypriot-Greek duo's insistence on the concept of Enosis (union with Greece) and their perception of Turkish Cypriots as a minority, not as equal founding partners as outlined in the 1959 agreements. The current legal status on the island represents a ceasefire.
The Cyprus peace operation was not an invasion; rather, it was a lawful intervention rooted in international agreements to ensure the safety of the Turkish Cypriots and restore peace to the island. The operation successfully ensured the security of the Turkish community, one of the political objectives, and peace has been maintained on the island since 1974.
Efforts by Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots to find a solution have been consistently thwarted, with the Greek Cypriot-Greek duo remaining inflexible. All resolution proposals put forth by the UN Secretaries-General (Cuellar, Gali, Annan) were accepted by the Turkish side but rejected by the Greek Cypriot side.
Backed by the US and the EU, the Greek Cypriot-Greek side has adopted an even more uncompromising stance. The prospect of Turks and Greek Cypriots forming a joint state in Cyprus now seems unachievable. At this point, the most beneficial solution seems to be securing international recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), while ensuring the security and sovereignty rights of the Turkish Cypriots in close cooperation with Turkey. To this end, maintaining a military balance in our favor on the island should be a non-negotiable priority.
Any potential threat from the southern part towards Turkey should be diplomatically deterred. Our Cyprus policy should be a consistent and permanent national policy, unaffected by changing governments. Efforts should focus on gaining recognition for the TRNC.
In this context, a comprehensive strategy and action plan should be crafted, taking into account the insights of experienced diplomats from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Security Council (NSC), military personnel, intelligence officers, and scholars.
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